GDG- New museum

[Margaret D. Blough]

Laurie,

That's what makes books like Charles Drew's "Apostles of Disunion" and "Southern Pamphlets on Secession, November, 1860 - April, 1861" (Jon L. Wakelyn, ed.) so fascinating.  This is when the advocates of secession are making their case to the other slave states, to the rest of the nation, and to the world.  If you keep to that and avoid retroactive explanations for what proved to be a catastrophic move, there really is no room for doubt about the central role that the protection of slavery played in bringing about secession and the war.  The breakpoint was the election of a president for the first time from a party whose very reason for existence arose out of opposition to the expansion of slavery beyond where it already was.  Yes, they favored higher tariffs but that was hardly the first time that issue arose.

Regards,

Margaret

-------------- Original message -------------- 
From: Laurence Schiller <lds307 at northwestern.edu> 

> Esteemed GDG Member Contributes: 
> 
> 
> Granville - I would like to belatedly add to Margaret's excellent 
> comments that in addition to this, the Civil War was repainted as a 
> war of honor amongst brothers with a constitutional disagreement. 
> Even now you can go to museums and web sites where slavery is not 
> mentioned as a cause or is explicitly denied as a cause. Just a few 
> years ago I went to tour Antebellum mansions in Natchez MS and the 
> ONLY one of a dozen houses where slaves were called slaves (as 
> opposed to servants) was the house run by the National Park Service. 
> African Americans were and are made to feel irrelevant when it comes 
> to the Civil War (War between the States my butt). 10 years ago I 
> captained a USCT regiment and I wish I had a dime for every 
> time someone asked, "why are you guys here?" And this was after the 
> movie Glory. As we are discovering in our Presidential race, people 
> still really don't want to talk about race or why we are where we 
> are. We have a lot of work to do and that is why it is so important 
> for places such as the new VC to actually talk about slavery. 
> 
> BTW, the fact that someone even mentioned that Morgan Freeman, a very 
> good and recognizable actor with a wonderful speaking voice, somehow 
> made them think that slavery was being too emphasized is disturbing 
> in itself. The comment wouldn't have been made that we were favoring 
> the Irish Brigade's point of view had someone with an Irish accent 
> been the narrator. I am not suggesting that the person who made the 
> comment is racist but only that it is a symptom of the problem of 
> race that we have in this country and how close below the surface it is. 
> 
> With greatest respect, 
> 
> laurie Schiller 
> 
> On Apr 18, 2008, at 7:03 PM, Margaret D. Blough wrote: 
> 
> > Esteemed GDG Member Contributes: 
> > 
> > 
> > Granville, 
> > 
> > Am I correct in assuming that you are of Norman ancestry? Because 
> > I'm reasonably sure that when King Harold and his Saxons took the 
> > field at Hastings against William the Conqueror that the former 
> > thought they already had a country. 
> > 
> > Perspective is everything. I'd recommend David Blight's book "Race 
> > and Reunion" about how postwar reconciliation among Northern and 
> > Southern whites occurred at the expense of acknowledging any 
> > contribution whatsoever by Blacks to preserving the Union or 
> > obtaining their freedom. They were lucky if they got a passing 
> > line like "Lincoln freed the slaves" as if they were all waiting 
> > passively on the plantation until emancipation came. In fact, one 
> > heard much more about the so-called "happy slave" by Lost Causers. 
> > This was successful to the point that when the movie "Glory" came 
> > out in 1989 it was a considerable surprise to many that not only 
> > did approximately 200,000 Blacks were in the US armed forces during 
> > the Civil War, mostly in the Army, including a significant number 
> > of combat troops. In fact, 15 days after the Battle of Gettysburg, 
> > the 54th Massachusetts, the subject of "Glory" led the unsuccessful 
> > assault on Fort Wagner near Charleston, SC, suffering over 50% 
> > casualtie 
> > s. 150 
> > 0 Black union soldiers died in the assault between the 54th and its 
> > brother regiment the 55th Massachusetts. The 54th's white Colonel, 
> > Robert Gould Shaw, was KIA. Sergeant William Carney of the 54th 
> > Massachusetts became the first African-American awarded the Medal 
> > of Honor because he rescued the regimental flag from the wounded 
> > color bearer and brought it back during the retreat refusing to let 
> > it fall into Confederate hands or even touch the ground, despite 
> > being seriously wounded in the assault. When he reached safety, he 
> > announced, "The Old Flag never touched the ground!" before 
> > collapsing unconscious from his wounds. http://www.medalofhonor.com/ 
> > WilliamCarney.htm, Then there is Lincoln's August 6, 1863, just a 
> > month after Gettysburg, to James C. Conkling to be read aloud at a 
> > rally of "Union men" in Illinois: 
> > 
> >>> 
> > To James C. Conkling 
> > Hon. James C. Conkling Executive Mansion, 
> > My Dear Sir. Washington, August 26, 1863. 
> > Your letter inviting me to attend a mass-meeting of unconditional 
> > Union-men, to be held at the Capital of Illinois, on the 3d day of 
> > September, has been received. 
> > It would be very agreeable to me, to thus meet my old friends, at 
> > my own home; but I can not, just now, be absent from here, so long 
> > as a visit there, would require. 
> > The meeting is to be of all those who maintain unconditional 
> > devotion to the Union; and I am sure my old political friends will 
> > thank me for tendering, as I do, the nation's gratitude to those 
> > other noble men, whom no partizan malice, or partizan hope, can 
> > make false to the nation's life. 
> > There are those who are dissatisfied with me. To such I would say: 
> > You desire peace; and you blame me that we do not have it. But how 
> > can we attain it? There are but three conceivable ways. First, to 
> > suppress the rebellion by force of arms. This, I am trying to do. 
> > Are you for it? If you are, so far we are agreed. If you are not 
> > for it, a second way is, to give up the Union. I am against this. 
> > Are you for it? If you are, you should say so plainly. If you are 
> > not for force, nor yet for dissolution, there only remains some 
> > imaginable compromise. I do not believe any compromise, embracing 
> > the maintenance of the Union, is now possible. All I learn, leads 
> > to a directly opposite belief. The strength of the rebellion, is 
> > its military---its army. That army dominates all the country, and 
> > all the people, within its range. Any offer of terms made by any 
> > man or men within that range, in opposition to that army, is simply 
> > nothing for the present; because such man or men, have no power 
> > whatever to enforce their side of a compromise, if one were made 
> > with them. To illustrate---Suppose refugees from the South, and 
> > peace men of the North, get together in convention, and frame and 
> > proclaim a compromise embracing a restoration of the Union; in what 
> > way can that compromise be used to keep Lee's army out of 
> > Pennsylvania? Meade's army can keep Lee's army out of Pennsylvania; 
> > and, I thin 
> > k, can 
> > ultimately drive it out of existence. But no paper compromise, to 
> > which the controllers of Lee's army are not agreed, can, at all, 
> > affect that army. In an effort at such compromise we should waste 
> > time, which the enemy would improve to our disadvantage; and that 
> > would be all. A compromise, to be effective, must be made either 
> > with those who control the rebel army, or with the people first 
> > liberated from the domination of that army, by the success of our 
> > own army. Now allow me to assure you, that no word or intimation, 
> > from that rebel army, or from any of the men controlling it, in 
> > relation to any peace compromise, has ever come to my knowledge or 
> > belief. All charges and insinuations to the contrary, are deceptive 
> > and groundless. And I promise you, that if any such proposition 
> > shall hereafter come, it shall not be rejected, and kept a secret 
> > from you. I freely acknowledge myself the servant of the people, 
> > according to the bond of service---the United States constitution; and 
> > that, 
> > as such, I am responsible to them. 
> > But, to be plain, you are dissatisfied with me about the negro. 
> > Quite likely there is a difference of opinion between you and 
> > myself upon that subject. I certainly wish that all men could be 
> > free, while I suppose you do not. Yet I have neither adopted, nor 
> > proposed any measure, which is not consistent with even your view, 
> > provided you are for the Union. I suggested compensated 
> > emancipation; to which you replied you wished not to be taxed to 
> > buy negroes. But I had not asked you to be taxed to buy negroes, 
> > except in such way, as to save you from greater taxation to save 
> > the Union exclusively by other means. 
> > You dislike the emancipation proclamation; and, perhaps, would have 
> > it retracted. You say it is unconstitutional---I think differently. 
> > I think the constitution invests its commander-in-chief, with the 
> > law of war, in time of war. The most that can be said, if so much, 
> > is, that slaves are property. Is there---has there ever been---any 
> > question that by the law of war, property, both of enemies and 
> > friends, may be taken when needed? And is it not needed whenever 
> > taking it, helps us, or hurts the enemy? Armies, the world over, 
> > destroy enemies' property when they can not use it; and even 
> > destroy their own to keep it from the enemy. Civilized belligerents 
> > do all in their power to help themselves, or hurt the enemy, 
> > except a few things regarded as barbarous or cruel. Among the 
> > exceptions are the massacre of vanquished foes, and non-combatants, 
> > male and female. 
> > But the proclamation, as law, either is valid, or is not valid. If 
> > it is not valid, it needs no retraction. If it is valid, it can not 
> > be retracted, any more than the dead can be brought to life. Some 
> > of you profess to think its retraction would operate favorably for 
> > the Union. Why better after the retraction, than before the issue? 
> > There was more than a year and a half of trial to suppress the 
> > rebellion before the proclamation issued, the last one hundred days 
> > of which passed under an explicit notice that it was coming, unless 
> > averted by those in revolt, returning to their allegiance. The war 
> > has certainly progressed as favorably for us, since the issue of 
> > the proclamation as before. I know as fully as one can know the 
> > opinions of others, that some of the commanders of our armies in 
> > the field who have given us our most important successes, believe 
> > the emancipationPage 409 policy, and the use of colored troops, 
> > constitute the heaviest blow yet dealt to the rebellion; and 
> > that, 
> > at least one of those important successes, could not have been 
> > achieved when it was, but for the aid of black soldiers. Among the 
> > commanders holding these views are some who have never had any 
> > affinity with what is called abolitionism, or with republican party 
> > politics; but who hold them purely as military opinions. I submit 
> > these opinions as being entitled to some weight against the 
> > objections, often urged, that emancipation, and arming the blacks, 
> > are unwise as military measures, and were not adopted, as such, in 
> > good faith. 
> > You say you will not fight to free negroes. Some of them seem 
> > willing to fight for you; but, no matter. Fight you, then, 
> > exclusively to save the Union. I issued the proclamation on purpose 
> > to aid you in saving the Union. Whenever you shall have conquered 
> > all resistance to the Union, if I shall urge you to continue 
> > fighting, it will be an apt time, then, for you to declare you will 
> > not fight to free negroes. 
> > I thought that in your struggle for the Union, to whatever extent 
> > the negroes should cease helping the enemy, to that extent it 
> > weakened the enemy in his resistance to you. Do you think 
> > differently? I thought that whatever negroes can be got to do as 
> > soldiers, leaves just so much less for white soldiers to do, in 
> > saving the Union. Does it appear otherwise to you? But negroes, 
> > like other people, act upon motives. Why should they do any thing 
> > for us, if we will do nothing for them? If they stake their lives 
> > for us, they must be prompted by the strongest motive---even the 
> > promise of freedom. And the promise being made, must be kept. 
> > The signs look better. The Father of Waters again goes unvexed to 
> > the sea. Thanks to the great North-West for it. Nor yet wholly to 
> > them. Three hundred miles up, they met New-England, Empire, Key- 
> > Stone, and Jersey, hewing their way right and left. The Sunny South 
> > too, in more colors than one, also lent a hand. On the spot, their 
> > part of the history was jotted down inblack and white. The job was 
> > a great national one; and let none be banned who bore an honorable 
> > part in it. And while those who have cleared the great river may 
> > well be proud, even that is not all. It is hard to say that 
> > anything has been more bravely, and well done, than at Antietam, 
> > Murfreesboro, Gettysburg, and on many fields of lesser note. Nor 
> > must Uncle Sam's Web-feet be forgotten. At all the watery margins 
> > they have been present. Not only on the deep sea, the broad bay, 
> > and the rapid river, but also up the narrow muddy bayou, and 
> > wherever the ground was a little damp, they have been, and made 
> > their tracks. 
> > Thanks 
> > to all. For the great republic---for the principle it lives by, 
> > and keeps alive---for man's vast future,--- thanks to all. 
> > Peace does not appear so distant as it did. I hope it will come 
> > soon, and come to stay; and so come as to be worth the keeping in 
> > all future time. It will then have been proved that, among free 
> > men, there can be no successful appeal from the ballot to the 
> > bullet; and that they who take such appeal are sure to lose their 
> > case, and pay the cost. And then, there will be some black men who 
> > can remember that, with silent tongue, and clenched teeth, and 
> > steady eye, and well-poised bayonet, they have helped mankind on 
> > to this great consummation; while, I fear, there will be some white 
> > ones, unable to forget that, with malignant heart, and deceitful 
> > speech, they have strove to hinder it. 
> > Still let us not be over-sanguine of a speedy final triumph. Let us 
> > be quite sober. Let us diligently apply the means, never doubting 
> > that a just God, in his own good time, will give us the rightful 
> > result. Yours very truly A. LINCOLN.<< 
> > Yet, less than 5 months after Lincoln's assassination, no black 
> > regiment was allowed to march in the Grand Review in DC even though 
> > there were black regiments in the Army of the Potomac. 
> > For approximately 125 years, little or nothing was done would have 
> > made any American who was black feel that there was any place for 
> > him or her at any Civil War battlefield. I am sad that my country 
> > treated so many of those who fought, suffered, and died to preserve 
> > the Union and their descendents so shabbily for so long. 
> > 
> > Ironically, one could say with considerable justice that the 
> > birthplace of black freedom was Ft. Sumter because, as a few far 
> > sighted pro-slavery advocates warned, that the secession movement, 
> > which sought to protect slavery, instead, by the act of firing on 
> > the fort brought about the war that destroyed slavery. The Civil 
> > War is exhibit A of the law of unintended consequences. 
> > 
> > Regards, 
> > 
> > Margaret 
> > 
> > -------------- Original message -------------- 
> > From: TangoGee at aol.com 
> > 
> >> Esteemed GDG Member Contributes: 
> >> 
> >> 
> >> Thanks to both Tom and JC for their honest answers. It is very sad 
> >> though 
> >> that a larger proportion of your black countrymen don't seem to 
> >> have either the 
> >> inclination or knowledge to visit as you rightly say the starting 
> >> point of 
> >> their freedom. I could not imagine never having visited Hastings 
> >> (well the town 
> >> of Battle really where the battle of Hastings was fought) to see 
> >> the birth 
> >> place of my country or Canterbury the home of English Christianity. 
> >> 
> >> TTFN 
> >> Granville 
> >> 
> >> 
> >> 
> >> 
> >> 
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> 
> Dr. Laurence Dana Schiller 
> lds307 at northwestern.edu 
> 
> Maitre d'Armes 
> Head Fencing Coach Department of History 
> Northwestern University 
> Commissioner, Midwest Fencing Conference 
> Midwest VP, US Fencing Coaches' Association 
> Vice-Chair USFA Illinois Division 
> Lds307 at northwestern.edu 
> 847-491-4654 
> FAX 847-467-1406 
> Official Sports site: http://nusports.ocsn.com/ 
> Student web site: http://groups.northwestern.edu/fencing/ 
> 
> 
> 
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